http://www.alternet.org/labor/seeds-new-labor-movement?akid=12471.294211.MVIJLs&rd=1&src=newsletter1027194&t=16
If anyone has the right to be upbeat about the prospects of the
American labor movement, it should be David Rolf, the president of a
Seattle-based long-term care local of the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU). Between 1995 and 1999, while still in his
20s, Rolf directed a campaign that unionized 74,000 home care workers in
Los Angeles. It was the largest single unionization since the United
Auto Workers organized Ford in 1941. SEIU then sent him to Seattle,
where he has nearly quadrupled SEIU’s Washington state membership. Last
year, he led the initiative campaign that persuaded voters in SeaTac,
the working-class Seattle suburb that is home to the city’s airport, to
raise the local minimum wage to $15—the highest in the nation. He also
managed to make SEIU’s campaign to organize fast-food workers and raise
their pay to $15 the centerpiece of the mayoral race in Seattle proper.
Prodded by the fast-food workers, State Senator Ed Murray ran on the
promise to raise the local minimum to that level. After Murray was
elected mayor, he appointed Rolf to lead the labor delegation on the
business–labor task force that would devise the plan for phasing in
Seattle’s new minimum. This summer, the city enacted the task force’s
recommendations. The $15 minimum wage is now law.
Over the past 15 years, no American unionist has organized as many
workers, or won them raises as substantial, as Rolf. Which makes it all
the more telling that Rolf believes the American labor movement, as we
know it, is on its deathbed, and that labor should focus its remaining
energies on bequeathing its resources to start-up projects that may find
more effective ways to advance workers’ interests than today’s
embattled unions can.
In early 2012, Rolf attended a national SEIU board meeting in New
Orleans, where he heard a presentation from the head of the union’s
Louisiana local. The local had had 6,000 members a few years earlier,
but it had shrunk to 1,200 after the chambers of commerce in cities with
which it had had contracts got court injunctions forbidding any such
contracts.
“Anti-union injunctions?” Rolf asks incredulously. “Getting a federal
law forbidding such injunctions was the No. 1 demand of unions in the
1928 presidential election. Were we back in 1928?
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