http://www.alternet.org/world/thirteen-years-after-invasion-its-still-rule-men-afghanistan?page=0%2C1&akid=12461.294211.rOF5MZ&rd=1&src=newsletter1026893&t=21
The historic contest between the two traditions came to a head in the
1980s during the Soviet occupation of the country. Then it was the
Russians who supported women’s human rights and girls’ education, while
Washington funded a
set of particularly extreme Islamist groups in exile in Pakistan. Only a
few years earlier, in the mid-1970s, Afghan president Mohammad Daud Khan,
backed by Afghan communists, had driven radical Islamist leaders out of
the country, much as King Amanullah had done before. It was the CIA, in
league with the intelligence services of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia,
that armed them and brought them back as President Ronald Reagan’s
celebrated “ freedom fighters,” the mujahidin.
Twenty years later, it would be the Americans, spearheaded again by
the CIA, who returned to drive them out once more. History can be a
snarl, especially when a major power can’t think ahead.
Whether by ignorance or intention, in 2001-2002, its moment of
triumph in Afghanistan, the U.S. tried to have it both ways. With one
hand it waved the progressive banner of women’s rights, while with the
other it crafted a highly centralized and powerful presidential
government, which it promptly handed over to a conservative man, who
scarcely gave a thought to women. Given sole power for 13 years to appoint government
ministers, provincial governors, municipal mayors, and almost every
other public official countrywide, President Karzai maintained a
remarkably consistent, almost perfect record of choosing only men.
Once it was clear that he cared nothing for the human rights of
women, the death threats against those who took Washington’s
“liberation” language seriously began in earnest. Women working in
local and international NGOs, government agencies, and schools soon
found posted on the gates of their compounds anonymous messages -- so
called “ night letters”
-- describing in gruesome detail how they would be killed. By way of
Facebook or mobile phone they received videos of men raping young
girls. Then the assassinations began. Policewomen, provincial
officials, humanitarian workers, teachers, schoolgirls, TV and radio
presenters, actresses, singers -- the list seemed never to end. Some
were, you might say, overkilled:
raped, beaten, strangled, cut, shot, and then hung from a tree -- just
to make a point. Even when groups of men claimed credit for such
murders, no one was detained or prosecuted.
On the other hand, many Afghans, especially women, are still angry
with all eight candidates who ran for president, blaming them for the
interminable “election” process that brought two of them to power. Mahbouba Seraj,
former head of the Afghan Women’s Network and an astute observer,
points out that in the course of countless elaborate lunches and late
night feasts hosted during the campaign by various Afghan big men, the
candidates might have come to some agreement among themselves to narrow
the field. They might have found ways to spare the country the
high cost and anxiety of a second round of voting, not to mention
months of recounting, only to have the final tallies withheld from the
public.
Instead, the candidates seemed to hold the country hostage. Their angry charges and threats stirred barely suppressed fears of civil war, and fear silenced women. “Once again,” Seraj wrote,
“we have been excluded from the most important decisions of this
country. We have been shut down by the oldest, most effective, and most
familiar means: by force.” Women, she added, are now afraid to open
their mouths, even to ask “legitimate questions” about the nature of
this new government, which seems to be not a “people’s government”
consistent with the ballots cast -- nearly half of them cast by women --
but more of “a coalition government, fabricated by the candidates and
international mediators.” Government in a box, in other words, and
man-made.
Knowing that many women are both fearful and furious that male egos still dominate Afghan “democracy,” Seraj makes the case for
women again: “Since the year 2000, the U.N. Security Council has passed
one resolution after another calling for full participation of women at
decision-making levels in all peace-making and nation-building
processes. That means a lot more than simply turning out to vote. But we
women of Afghanistan have been shut out, shut down, and silenced by
fear of the very men we are asked to vote for and the men who follow
them... This is not what we women have worked for or voted for or
dreamed of, and if we could raise our voices once again, we would not
call this ‘democracy.’"
Ask yourself: Would you?
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